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6.1. The Other Side:
It is admitted that there have been victims in this conflict. Some victims were totally innocent, who were caught up in the crossfire. Some of the victims died while they were actively engaged in combating Pakistan defence forces. This is one side of the story which has been magnified many folds with the sinister idea of falsifying those who tried to defend Pakistan from being dismembered.
What about the other side? The so-called liberators took innumerable human lives, inflicted physical injuries and left many of them mayhemed in their attack both on army and civilian who were loyally defending the country. Yet, in recounting this sad conflict hardly any notice was taken of these other victims: the Pakistan Army personnel and their families who were killed by their one time brothers and colleagues who together took oath to defend Pakistan; the Bihari civilians, many of whom committed no crime other than remaining loyal to Pakistan and above all the countless East Pakistani Muslims who refused to be beguiled by the Indian/Awami League's plot and either remained silent or had taken part in the struggle to save Pakistan.
It should not be forgotten that in war, a side claiming to be on the right side can not abandon the time honoured norms for waging war. Nor can they expect to be condoned simply because their opponents had violated those norms. Having noted this central code of behaviour, let me ask a simple question to those who suavely condemned the Pakistan Army for all manner of atrocities whether they would at least concede that atrocities were also committed by them on the other side. If 'abnormal Pakistan' did not care to punish its 'killers', what stopped the 'civilized' and 'morally sensitive' Bangladesh Government to punish its own offenders? Even if these 'Men That Mattered' were busy with other matters, what stopped men of 'PEACE and JUSTICE' like Abul Hasanat  from coming out with another tome, like his 'The Ugliest Genocide', 'Addressed to' those 'Men That Mattered’ in the 'liberated' Bangladesh? Their very silence shows, like their loathsome figure game, their protestation for civilized human values, their cry in the name of suffering humanity and their call for justice, were all fraud.
6.2. The Killing of the Biharis:
To give an idea of heart-rendering savagery which was committed against the 'Bihari' Muslims, I shall confine myself to the testimony, not of those who supported Pakistan, but of those who took part in dismembering Pakistan. Such a well-known 'Bengali nationalists', M.R.Akhtar Mukul in his ‘Ami Bijoy Dekhechi' (I Have Seen Victory) stated:
“At around sunset they came back. But, the report they gave about Shantahar is difficult to narrate in words". Since I was busy with various tasks and also because train and road communications were cut off, 1 could not obtain any information about this railway town. For three days in Shantahar medieval fiendish killings have been carried out. Now the town cannot be entered into, because of the stench from the dead bodies.” 
From the river crossing-point in Khetlal, the same writer reported this:
"There is a wooden bridge to help private car, jeep and pedestrians to cross the river. But its middle portion is missing. Someone has removed it. To speak to the local people I got down from the jeep along with Mr Asad. Seeing my large body, big moustache and long hair, the locals started whispering with one another suspecting me to be a non- Bengali. I sensed my heart getting cold out of fear. Luckily, I am an accomplished speaker in Bogra's local tongue. My habitual jokes and manner of speaking removed their suspicion and helped make certain rapport between us. Afterwards I came to learn that they have been engaged in a awesome mission. The non-Bengalis from Jaipurhat-Pachbibi area who have been fleeing towards Dhaka through Bogra were finished off here on the bank of the river. Women and children have been kept unharmed in a homestead. For a number of days the villagers have been doing this at night with 'mashals' in hand." 
These Bihari Muslims had no other fault except that they were non-Bengalis. They did not even have the chance of 'col1aborating', as alleged, with the Pakistan Army. Beside, is it a crime to stand up and fight for one's own country? If any, those so-called 'liberators' who actively and brazenly collaborated with the Indians to destroy Pakistan - a sovereign country - should be guilty, not those who tried to safeguard a well-established country as being moral duty.
The retribution that was meted out to them after Bangladesh came into being had few parallel in savagery. Many of the males became victim of a systematic program during and after the fall of Dhaka to the Indian Army. According to one source, their number killed 'is estimated in thousands' 
Those who survived this carnage were deprived of their hearths and homes, stripped off all their possessions and denied their jobs and sources of livelihood. The miserable plight in which they found themselves evoked this appeal from Abul Fazal, the well-known author and educationist:
" ... they are utterly helpless and dispossessed. Most of them are women and children. They have no means of livelihood, no occupations or anything to cling to. They cannot envisage a future. This is a queer and pathetic problem. Theirs is a human problem. When some of them are found in bad health, wearing tattered garments, hungry and helpless, begging alms with tearful eyes in streets and market places, this morbid scene appears to me as a great insult to humanity. Any sensitive person cannot stand such a sight." 
Yet, persons like Hasanat, Gupta and their associates have little time to mention any of these, far less to acknowledge that the Bihari Muslims and many other Muslims of East Pakistan too have suffered and got killed and became the subject of atrocities.
6.3. The Pakistan Supporters:
At least the plights of the Bihari Muslims have been mentioned by writers such as Mukul and had compassion from Abul Fazal. But few have spoken about the treatment meted out to the men and women who have either served Pakistan faithfully in the past or refused to join the conspiracy to destroy Pakistan.
Many of these were killed in the conflict on the spot and many more were killed cold-blooded after the conflict was over. After the fall of Dhaka countless persons were 'lynched, flogged, flayed, mutilated, cleaved and butchered'.  Let me mention a few.
Ajmal Ali Choudhury, a Muslim League leader and a Minister of Commerce of Pakistan at one time, who played absolutely no part during the conflict was taken out from the Dargha of Hazrat Shah Jalal in the heart of Sylhet town in broad day light and killed. Thereafter his body was mutilated and was left in an open field for public display near the Government College. For three days his family was kept away from collecting his dead body. Thus, this good patriot and decent Muslim was deprived of his entitlement of a decent burial. Dr Abdul Majid, another Muslim League leader, was similarly gunned down and his dead body was desecrated.
Earlier during the conflict, Abdul Mu'nem Khan, another Muslim League leader, and a former Health Minister of Pakistan and former Governor of East Pakistan, was gunned down at his Dhaka residence in presence of his family. Like Ajmal Ali Choudhury, Abdul Mu'nem Khan was also living in retirement and had no role either way during the conflict. Their only 'crime' appeared to have been that they worked for the creation of Pakistan, served it faithfully and did not renounce their allegiance in favour of 'Joy Bangla'
Maulvi Farid Ahmed, Vice President of Pakistan Democratic Party and a former Commerce Minister of Pakistan, was detained in Dhaka. While under detention, he was 'whipped first and then his skin was cut by sharp blades and salt was added to his wounds'. After this beastly treatment, he was put to death. His dead body was mutilated and 'desecrated in a wild fury'.
Maulana Asadullah Shirazi, a former Member of the National Assembly, writer, poet and sufi and the eldest son of the famous poet and Khilafat Leader Ismail Hussain Shirazi, was dragged through the streets of Sirajgonj, with a hook pierced through his nose. After this act of utter barbarity he was 'trailed to the place of his martyrdom'.
Prof. Tariqullah, Bengali Department of Choumuhani College, Noakhali, was arrested and then taken before a gathering where he was commanded to recant his support for Pakistan. This man of true faith told his captors that if he was not convinced that Pakistan was created mainly in the interest of the Bengali Muslims and that they still needed the Muslim State of Pakistan in their own interest, he would have joined them. Since that was his faith, he could not recant his support for Pakistan even if it meant death to him. And death he met under a hail of bullet.
Muhammad Illyas, a student leader belonging to Islami Chatra Sangha, 'was tied to a rear wheel of a slowly moving motor vehicle and was trailed to Feni from Dagan Bhuiya, ten miles away, where he was whipped by the Indian Army. Hot iron rods were used on the moribund body of helpless Illyas. His eyes were gouged out; his ears and nose were clipped. Finally, he was tortured to death and his dead body was displayed at a crossroads in Feni.'
Maulana Azharus Sobhan, a prominent alim and the principal of Mithachara Madrasa, Chittagong, was severely flogged breaking several of his bones. "Three of his students were beheaded in his presence. A garland of the heads of three students was put around his neck and he was kept standing for three consecutive days' before he was killed.
Maulana Pir Dewan Ali of Dhaka was 'shaved of his beard and flogged cruelly'. With his bones broken, he was tied by his hands and legs and 'thrown into the middle of a river' to sink alive.
Jalaluddin, a boy of 14, from Kaliganj in Dhaka district, the constituency of Tajuddin Ahmed, the Prime Minister of the Bangladesh Government in exile formed in India, was buried alive. 'He was forced to dig his own grave, to fix it with the thorns of date trees and finally he was made to lie on this thorny bed to death." 
6.4. A Survivor’s Account:
These are the tales of a few. It is difficult to give the precise figure of how many people met their death in this way. However, it can be said with utmost honesty that they number many thousands. Those who survived various forms of brutalities were greater in number than those killed. To give some idea about their ordeal, I shall quote the account of two persons only:
"Typical of the intolerance and vindictiveness displayed towards the intellectuals who did not vocally support the Awami League was the case of Syed Sajjad Husain, Vice Chancellor of Dhaka University. He earned the party's wrath by declaring his opposition to secession in a press statement. The "Free" Bangladesh radio operating in Calcutta sentenced him to death for his offence and three days after the fall of Dhaka, on 19th December, a band of armed guerrillas raided his private residence, beat up his protesting wife and daughters, broke into his room, and dragged him away to a Mukti Bahini camp. Here he was stripped of all his clothes, except the trousers, beaten black and blue, blindfolded, handcuffed and gagged, and left, tied to a post like an animal, to wait execution the following morning. The next day at dawn his executioners took him to a public square, stabbed him in six places and dealt him a shattering blow on the spine. When he collapsed, bleeding and unconscious, they thought he had died and moved off. He survived miraculously after being rescued by a passer-by who recognised him, but remained almost totally paralysed from the waist down for a month and a half. When after some treatment in hospital he partially regained the ability to move about on crutches, the Government had him removed to the Dhaka Central Jail. There he was detained for two years. The former Vice-Chancellor is a permanent paraplegic today with both legs affected and needs a staff to balance him.
"In the like manner Hasan Zaman, director of the Pakistan Bureau of National Integration, an outspoken defender of Pakistan's ideology, was seized from his home on the same day as Syed Sajjad Husain and left for dead in the same square, bruised, blind-folded and handcuffed, He too was subsequently detained in Jail for two years. For several months after the assault Hasan Zaman could not walk erect because of the tortures he had undergone." 
Some writers on Bangladesh have argued that the killings and punishments of Pakistan supporters that went on after Bangladesh came into being was an inevitable vendetta carried out by the over zealous Mukti Bahini and the Government of Bangladesh had no hand in it. Yet the case of Syed Sajjad Husain showed that it was the exiled Government of Bangladesh in India which 'sentenced him to death', announced the sentence through its radio for no other reason other than for his statement opposing secession. How then the Government of Bangladesh could be absolved of their responsibilities in these horrendous crimes?
6.5. Could Mujib be Absolved?
Lest doubt remains, let me give another instance with regard to Mujib's own ingenious argument in support of these brutal killings by his own Mukti Bahini.
"As a frenzied, shouting mob of 5,000 Bengalis screamed encouragement, young Mukti Bahini guerrillas methodically tortured four suspected Pakistani quislings. For 30 minutes, the guerrillas battered the bound bodies of the helpless prisoners with kicks and karate blows with the bayonets, Quietly and systematically, they began stabbing their victims over and over again - all the time carefully avoiding the prisoners' hearts. After more than ten minutes of stabbing, the grisly performance seemed at an end. The soldiers wiped the blood from their bayonets and begun to depart. But before they left the scene, a small boy - perhaps a relative of one of the victims - flung himself on the ground next to a prisoner's near lifeless body. In an instant the guerrillas were back, kicking the boy and beating him with their rifle butts. And as he writhed, the child was trampled to death by the surging crowd."
This horrendous bloodletting took place next to Dhaka stadium. The man who ordered the public killing and personally saw the order being carried out is Abdul Kader Siddiqui, the Mukti Bahini commander from Tangail. .
During her interview with Mujib, Oriana Fallaci, the Italian journalist, wanted to know what the Bangladesh leader thought of this massacre. The following conversation took place between Mujib and Fallaci:
Mujib - Massacre? What massacre?
Fallaci – The one commited by the Mukti Bahini at the Dacca stadium.
Mujib - There has never been a massacre at the Dacca stadium. You are lying.
Fallaci - Mr Prime Minister, I am not a liar. I saw the massacre with other journalists and 15,000 persons. If you'd like, I'll show you photographs. My paper has published them.
Mujib - Liar, they were not Mukti Bahini.
Fallaci - Mr Prime Minister, please do not repeat the word liar, they were Mukti Bahini and they were led by Abdul Kader Siddiqui and were in uniforms.
Mujib - Then it means that those were Razakars that had opposed resistance and Siddiqui was compelled to eliminate them.’ 
A substantial proportion of people of all ranks and professions had indeed opposed the conversion of East Pakistan into Bangladesh and a good many of them even took arms alongside the Pakistan defence forces.  Countless of these men, old and young, were eliminated in the 'liberated' Bangladesh with the connivance of Mujib and his Government.
Notes and References
1. Abul Hasanat, The Ugliest Genocide in History, Muktadhara [Swadhin Bangla Shahitya Parishad], 74 Farashganj, Dhaka, 1974 : 34,73,283.
2. M.R.Akhtar Mukul, Ami Bijoy Dekhechi (I Have Seen Victory), Sagar Publishers, GPO Box 3057, Dhaka, 1391 B.S. (1984) : 68
3. ibid: 70
4. Matiur Rahman and Naeem Hasan, Iron Bars of Freedom, Research and Documentation, London, 1980 : 10; Abdul Malek, From East Pakistan to Bangladesh, Faran Publications Ltd, 9 Woodfall Road, London N4, 1973 : 9-10
5. Ittefaq, Dhaka, 25 June, 1973
6. Matiur Rahman and Naeem Hasan, op cit: 10
7. ibid : 11-12; Abdul Malek, op cit : 10-16; M.M.Islam, The Forgotten Thousands, 23A Highbury Grange, London N 5, n.d.: 16
8. Matiur Rahman and Naeem Hasan, op cit: 12-13
9. Newsweek, New York, 3 January, 1972
10. Oriana Fallaci, An Interview with Mujibur Rahman, L'Europeo, Rome, 24 February, 1972. For Text Cf. Appendix - 1.
11. Cf. Prof. Muzaffar Ahmed's interview in Basant Chatterjee, Inside Bangladesh Today: An eyewitness account, S. Chand & Co (Ptv) Ltd, New Delhi, 1973
12. In June the Amir of East Pakistan Jamat-i-Islami told newsmen that a total of 120,000 civilian volunteers have completed military training with a view to defend the integrity of Pakistan. Cf. Jyoti Sen Gupta, Freedom Movement in Bangladesh 1947-73: Some Involvement, Naya Prokash,206 Bidhan Sarani, Calcutta - 6, 1974: ; By December their number doubled.